Archaeological Evidence for Domesticating Potatoes

Archaeological Evidence for Domesticating Potatoes Potato (Solanum tuberosum) belongs to the Solanaceae family, which also includes tomatoes, eggplants, and chili peppers. Potato is currently the second widest used staple crop in the world. It was first domesticated in South America, in the Andean highlands, between Peru and Bolivia, more than 10,000 years ago. Different species of potato (solanum) exist, but the most common worldwide is the S. tuberosum ssp. Tuberosum. This species was introduced in Europe in the mid-1800s from Chile when a fungus disease almost completely destroyed S. tuberosum ssp. andigena, the original species imported by the Spanish directly from the Andes in the 1500s. The edible part of the potato is its root, called tuber. Because the tuber of wild potatoes contains poisonous alkaloids, one of the first steps made by ancient Andean farmers toward domestication was to select and replant a variety with low alkaloid contents. Also, since wild tubers are quite small, farmers also selected the bigger examples. Archaeological Evidence of Potato Cultivation Archaeological evidence suggests that people were consuming potatoes in the Andes as early as 13,000 years ago. In the Tres Ventanas Cave in the Peruvian highlands, several root remains, including S. tuberosum, have been recorded and direct-dated to 5800 cal B.C. (C14 calibrated date) Also, remains of 20 potato tubers, both white and sweet potato, dating between 2000 and 1200 B.C. have been found in the trash middens of four archaeological sites in the Casma Valley, on the coast of Peru. Finally, in an Inca period site near Lima, called Pachacamac, pieces of charcoal have been found within the remains of potato tubers suggesting that one of the possible preparation of this tuber involved baking. Potatoes Around the World Although this may be due to a lack of data, current evidence indicates that the spread of potatoes from Andean highlands to the coast and the rest of the Americas was a slow process. Potatoes reached Mexico by 3000-2000 B.C., probably passing through Lower Central America or the Caribbean Islands. In Europe and North America, the South American root arrived only in the 16th and 17th century, respectively, after its importation by the first Spanish explorers. Sources Hancock, James, F., 2004, Plant Evolution and the Origin of Crop Species. Second Edition. CABI Publishing, Cambridge, MA Ugent Donald, Sheila Pozoroski and Thomas Pozoroski, 1982, Archaeological Potato Tuber Remains from the Casma Valley of Peru, Economic Botany, Vol. 36, No. 2, pp. 182-192.

The Evolution of the First Tetrapods

The Evolution of the First Tetrapods Its one of the iconic images of evolution: 400 or so million years ago, way back in the prehistoric mists of geologic time, a brave fish crawls laboriously out of the water and onto land, representing the first wave of a vertebrate invasion that leads to dinosaurs, mammals, and human beings. Logically speaking, of course, we dont owe any more thanks to the first tetrapod (Greek for four feet) than we do to the first bacterium or the first sponge, but something about this plucky critter still tugs at our heartstrings. As is so often the case, this romantic image doesnt quite match up with evolutionary reality. Between 350 and 400 million years ago, various prehistoric fish crawled out of the water at various times, making it nearly impossible to identify the direct ancestor of modern vertebrates. In fact, many of the most celebrated early tetrapods had seven or eight digits at the end of each limb and, because modern animals adhere strictly to the five-toed body plan, that means these tetrapods represented an evolutionary dead end from the perspective of the prehistoric amphibians that followed them. Origins The earliest tetrapods evolved from lobe-finned fishes, which differed in important ways from ray-finned fishes. While ray-finned fishes are the most common type of fish in the ocean  today, the only lobe-finned fish on the planet are lungfish and coelacanths, the latter of which were thought to have gone extinct tens of millions of years ago until a live specimen turned up in 1938. The bottom fins of lobe-finned fishes are arranged in pairs and supported by internal bones- the necessary conditions for these fins to evolve into primitive legs. Lobe-finned fishes of the Devonian period were already able to breathe air, when necessary, via spiracles in their skulls. Experts differ about the environmental pressures  that prompted lobe-finned fish to evolve into walking, breathing tetrapods, but one theory is that the shallow lakes and rivers these fish lived in were subject to drought, favoring species that could survive in dry conditions. Another theory has it that the earliest tetrapods were literally chased out of the water by bigger fish- dry land harbored an abundance of insect and plant food, and a marked absence of dangerous predators. Any lobe-finned fish that blundered onto land would have found itself in a veritable paradise. In evolutionary terms, its hard to distinguish between the most advanced lobe-finned fish and the most primitive tetrapods. Three important genera nearer the fish end of the spectrum were Eusthenopteron, Panderichthys, and Osteolopis, which spent all of their time in the water yet had latent tetrapod characteristics. Until recently, these tetrapod ancestors nearly all hailed from fossil deposits in the northern Atlantic, but the discovery of Gogonasus in Australia has put the kibosh on the theory that land-dwelling animals originated in the northern hemisphere. Early Tetrapods and Fishapods Scientists once agreed that the earliest true tetrapods dated from about 385 to 380 million years ago. That has all changed with the recent discovery of tetrapod track marks in Poland that date to 397 million years ago, which would effectively dial back the evolutionary calendar by 12 million years. If confirmed, this discovery will prompt some revision in the evolutionary consensus. As you can see, tetrapod evolution is far from written in stone- tetrapods evolved numerous times, in different places. Still, there are a few early tetrapod species that are regarded as more-or-less definitive by experts. The most important of these is Tiktaalik, which is thought to have been perched midway between the tetrapod-like lobe-finned fishes and the later, true tetrapods. Tiktaalik was blessed with the primitive equivalent of wrists- which may have helped it to prop itself up on its stubby front fins along the edges of shallow lakes- as well as a true neck, providing it with much-needed flexibility and mobility during its quick jaunts onto dry land. Because of its mix of tetrapod and fish characteristics, Tiktaalik is often referred to as a fishapod, a name that is also sometimes applied to advanced lobe-finned fish like Eusthenopteron and Panderichthys. Another important fishapod was Ichthyostega, which lived about five million years after Tiktaalik and achieved similarly respectable sizes- about five feet long and 50 pounds. True Tetrapods Until the recent discovery of Tiktaalik, the most famous of all the early tetrapods was Acanthostega, which dated to about 365 million years ago. This slender creature had relatively well-developed limbs, as well as such fishy features as a lateral sensory line running along the length of its body. Other, similar tetrapods of this general time and place included Hynerpeton, Tulerpeton, and Ventastega. Paleontologists once believed that these late Devonian tetrapods spent significant amounts of their time on dry land, but they are now thought to have been primarily or even totally aquatic, only using their legs and primitive breathing apparatuses when absolutely necessary. The most significant finding about these tetrapods was the number of digits on their front and hind limbs: anywhere from 6 to 8, a strong indication that they couldnt have been the ancestors of later five-toed tetrapods and their mammalian, avian, and reptilian descendants. Romers Gap Theres a 20-million-year-long stretch of time in the early Carboniferous period that has yielded very few vertebrate fossils. Known as Romers Gap, this blank period in the fossil record has been used to support Creationist doubt in the theory of evolution, but it is easily explainable by the fact that fossils only form in very special conditions. Romers Gap particularly affects our knowledge of tetrapod evolution because, when we pick up the story 20 million years later (about 340 million years ago), there is a profusion of tetrapod species that can be grouped into different families, some coming very close to being true amphibians. Among the notable post-gap tetrapods are the tiny Casineria, which had five-toed feet; the eel-like Greererpeton, which may already have de-evolved from its more land-oriented tetrapod ancestors; and the salamander-like Eucritta melanolimnetes, otherwise known as the creature from the Black Lagoon, from Scotland. The diversity of later tetrapods is evidence that a lot must have happened, evolution-wise, during Romers Gap. Fortunately, we have been able to fill in some of the blanks of Romers Gap in recent years. The skeleton of Pederpes was discovered in 1971 and, three decades later, further investigation by tetrapod expert Jennifer Clack dated it smack to the middle of Romers Gap. Significantly, Pederpes had forward-facing feet with five toes and a narrow skull, characteristics seen in later amphibians, reptiles, and mammals. A similar species active during Romers Gap was the large-tailed Whatcheeria, which seems to have spent most of its time in the water.

Effective Team Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Effective Team - Assignment Example During the course of project, many problems and conflicts surfaced as the team progressed through its four development stages as described by Tuckman’s model (Beyerlein and Johnson 2000), which were not beyond expectations. However, these were dealt along as the team developed more cohesion and understanding of the common goal but still the opinion is that these problems could have been avoided and effectively managed as highlighted by (Kayes 2004). Throughout the task, group remained engaged in number of activities that played vital role is team development and are discussed throughout the report. This project report is an aim to comprehensively elaborate significance of reflection in learning and evaluates how experiences are transformed into genuine learning (Kolbs 1984). Secondly, this report narrates process of building a group of individuals into a team and difficulties faced during this progression. It also encompasses the significance and critical role of different con cepts and theory elements that influence this process. Problem and Context After the group was formed, I was much skeptical group future as to what form would it take, how we are going to interact and what would be the course of action towards desired goals. A good explanation for this could be that team was in its initial stage of forming as described by Bruce Tuckman in his model of team development (Beyerlein and Johnson 2000) since members were trying to get know each other and develop relationships. McManus (2000) distinguished group from a team in that team has a strong commitment, high degree of cohesiveness and accomplishment to each other and towards common goal than in a group because teamwork promotes creativity, problem solving, effective decision making and improved communication (Chaney and Lyden 2000). During initial sessions, I found that there were member who were not concerned deeply with purpose and goal of the team as they were often found busy in dealing with pe rsonal social issues which they thought were of more importance to them. Even at times, they were not prepared for what meeting were all about and had no agenda to talk about. At early stages, team did not seem much organized and interactive as members were shy and reluctant in sharing experiences and knowledge. I was of the view that these issues would induce many problems during the course of task completion and would make it difficult for team building and cohesion. Although team project went much better but often task-based conflicts arose when one member’s job depended on other member’s input or cooperation which (Bartos and Wehr 2002) stated as interdependence conflict. However, main cause of interdependence conflict was being unable to effectively communicate one’s part to another member which (Shapiro 2004) called communication breakdown conflict. Competitive conflict was exhibited by one of team members who always tried to prove himself better than othe r team member and tried to find his own way through the process if not agreed upon (Rahim 2011). However, overall the project was a huge success and a great effort to understand the team development process in practical scenario and

Crime Rates Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Crime Rates - Research Paper Example An in-depth analysis of counties in Texas that focus on these issues indicate that Texas’s crimes’ drop rate was due to an increase in the jail and prison populace. A rise in wealth and improved income led to the decrease of property crimes (Nachmias & Nachmias, 2004). Increased prison construction would not be cost-effective in Texas. This is due to the declining marginal returns of investing in prison construction, but direct interventions in improving the economy sectors and enhancing police operations would be more proactive. Ideally, most of the discussions in the article are based on assumptions rather than facts. The researcher gives possible reasons as to why crime rate is dropping but he does not answer how these attributes are connected to the crimes. He mentions variables such as demography, unemployment, prison expansion and the economy. It is hard to establish a relationship between the variables and the crimes due to lack of concrete proof to his suggestions. Hypothetically, unemployment is a particular clear case, but the principle can be expected to apply to several other explanations. A blend in heterogeneity of most local areas in social class, household structure, race and income among others can be causational to each other (Nachmias & Nachmias, 2004). The assurance of civil rights is grounded on inclusion; yet the massive difference imprisonment rates between Latinos, blacks and whites still stands as the ugliest reminder of nation’s history of segregation based on race. In the article, the researcher argues that the best way of understanding law and race in this twenty-first century is by understanding and appreciating the American federal system. Some of the things that need appreciation include, the system structures, political mobilization, legal authority and solutions to policy loop holes. In addition, the federal system serves as a vital and disregarded obstacle to more persistent and

The History of Computers :: Technology Technological Computers Essays

The History of Computers In the year 2003, it is almost impossible for those of us who have been brought up with computer to imagine what the world was like before their coming. People use computers every day in their homes, using the Internet, specifically e-mails and Instant Messenger, to keep in touch with friends and relatives far away. People also use computers every day at work and school, planning projects and writing papers. For many of today’s children, computers are an integral part of their education, and some of them use computers in school every day. These children benefit from the ideas of many people many years ago, those who laid the foundation for today’s modern computer. An analytical engine first described by Charles Babbage in May 1835 was the first machine to possess the five essential functions of a computer (Hofemeister, 1-7). Even though the engine was never completed, its design included the five basic functions of input, programming, calculation, storage, and output (Hofmeister, 1-7). This machine was an essential part of the evolution of the first computer, but it was certainly not the beginning. In 1642, Blaise Pascal developed the â€Å"Pascaline† – a mechanical adding machine, and in 1673 Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibniz developed a mechanical calculator that could perform more complex functions, such as multiplication and division (Hofmeister, 1-8). The machines developed by Pascal and von Leibniz, along with the Analytic Engine designed by Babbage, led to the unveiling of Mark I, the first operational electro-mechanical computer, which was designed by Howard Aiken in 1944 (Hofmeister, 1-8). Aiken began work on this machine in 1937, using the principles first conceptualized by Babbage (Hofmeister, 1-10). Most of the Mark I was mechanical, which slowed it down, a problem that was fixed in the Colossus, a computer which â€Å"replaced the speed of the mechanical components with the speed of electricity (Hofmeister, 1-10).† This was a major advancement in computer technology. The Colossus Mark II, which was built at around the same time, is believed to have â€Å"contained all the elements of a modern computer except an internal program store (Hofmeister, 1-10).

Changing Attitude Towards Child Sex Preference Essay

This paper focuses on the intensity of preference for sons over daughters in anticipation of old age security both physically and financially, and its impact on the care and support/ well-being of the elderly in Nigeria in general, and in particular among the Yoruba of Southwest. The paper examines the impact of social change on child sex preference as old age security. Before delving into the theme of the paper, the concept of social change was briefly discussed. The reasons for having children generally are discussed, child sex preference among the elderly were equally analyzed; the pattern it took before now, the changes that have occurred and the attitude of parents toward child sex preference as old age security in the contemporary Nigerian society were equally examined. The effects of sex preference and other socio-economic factors on the status of the elderly and its implications for the family were mentioned. Various literature and theoretical models on the subject matter were reviewed and finally, a general conclusion was drawn. Introduction Startling transformations have occurred all over the world, particularly on the mode of caring and supporting of older persons and there are a number of important issues, which arise as a result of these transformations and the major structural shift in the population. One of these issues is the concern of social gerontologists for the needs of older people for support in the society. Although, it should be mentioned at this uncture that this transformation (that is, social change) affects different people in different ways, depending on sex, location, size of cohort, economic resources (individual, familial and national), norms inherited from the past and individual’s live experiences and personality. For example, marital status and earlier patterns of childbearing are significant factors influencing the nature of the support available in old age. While co-residence of older persons and adult children is common in many developing countries, the tendency worldwide is for this arrangement to become less common. This has direct consequences for economic security, especially in the numerous societies (and particularly, their rural sectors), where pensions are paid only to a small proportion of older persons who are eligible because of earlier employment in the former sectors or few older persons who were able to save or invest for their old age. Even in countries where pensions are more generally available, the burden of an ageing population is increasingly being regarded as unsustainable, particularly since there is an increasing tendency for those able to do so to take early retirement. For many, especially women, there is a real threat of poverty in old-age, and this problem may be exacerbated by social exclusions and the deteriorating health conditions experienced by many older persons particularly, women at more advanced ages. Care of the frail and disabled becomes increasingly problematic, both in terms of stress placed on care providers and care-givers and also the mobilization of the appropriate resources of families, agencies and programmes to meet even the basic needs of older persons. According to Peil (1991), as life expectancy rises, young couples are more likely to be called upon to provide for their older parents than these parents were at the same stage of the life cycle, at a time when increasing emphasis on educating one’s children, rampant inflation and widespread unemployment of young adults make adequate provisions for older parents difficult. The situation among older people without children of their own were even more pathetic. For instance, old people who have no living children tend to risk the chances of isolation and lack of support. Personality is another very crucial factor to be considered; this is because, personality can make considerable difference to the help received. For example, an older person who was hard to get along with is more likely to lack support than the cheerful old person who gets along well with family and neighbours (Peil, 1991). All these are important variables, which determine whether individuals will receive adequate care and support from family and society. It is evident from the various literature that, very little attention has been paid to older people of modern industrializing societies of the world. In Nigeria for example, as well as in most developing countries, the need to plan for the welfare of older persons has received very little attention. There are clear evidences of lack of formal social support services for older people in Nigeria, such as Social Securiy, Pension, Health Insurance Scheme, Old Peoples Home, etc. One of the explanatory factors arises from the belief that the existing extended family system generally protects and provides for the welfare of old people in rural and agricultural societies. Hence, where an older person is childless, his/her brothers or sisters or even the children of his siblings are believed to be responsible for his/her maintenance. This may not be unconnected with why most policies, programmes and projects in the developing countries such as Nigeria have been concentrated on the children and the youths at the expense of older persons in the country. Both national and international organizations are seen working tirelessly on programmes and projects that would benefit the children and the youths, forgetting that the children and the youths of today would be the adult and older persons in the near future. Such beliefs and practices give the impression that the aged, unlike children, represent a discomforting second-order dependency on the younger working generation. But it should be mentioned at this juncture that old people are not always dependent on others for survival. For example, old age may not necessarily symbolize dependency especially in modern Nigeria in which the possession of landed property by older people and access to business opportunities may earn them some income. Hence, while it is generally believed that old people in general depend on the younger people for their survival, it can be equally true that some younger people do depend on such old people for their survival. In fact, some older persons in Nigeria may be rich enough to provide educational assistance for the children of their brothers and sisters as well as their own. Put differently, the prevailing view of older people as a ‘social problem’ emphasizes the ‘burden’ of older people in the population. This negative and blinkered vision has almost entirely neglected the provision of care by older people themselves, although there are some notable exceptions. It should also be said that prevailing ‘social problem’ focus has stigmatized older people as a dependent and unproductive group. This negative stereotyping is partly because of invisibility of informal work as a contribution to society. Older people are givers as well as receivers through their substantial caring for other older people, unpaid domestic work, care for grandchildren and voluntary work. However, it should be mentioned that differences occur between male and female in terms of access to, and possession of wealth in the society. This, in turn, leads to differences in the care and support given and received by older men and women in the society. This we must emphasized has affected older persons’ attitude towards child sex preference as old age security globally and particularly in Nigeria society. A pronounced preference of parents to have male children has been noted in a number of countries, although a desire for a balanced number of sons and daughters is also common (Williamson, 1976; Arnold and Kuo, 1984). Son preference is particularly prevalent in countries with strong patriarchal system or tradition (Cleland, Verrall, and Vaessen, 1983; Cho, Arnold, and Kwon, 1982; Freedman and Coombs, 1994). The extent of son preference has been the subject of considerable discussion and debate in most literature. Sons are preferred for a variety of reasons, including family name propagation, old age security, provision of labour, and the performance of ancestral rites (Wolf, 1985; Zhao and Zhu, 1983). Also, the Fifth National Women’s Congress (1983); Haupt (1983); Li (1982); Liu (1984); Tien (1985); Wolf (1985); all maintained that traditionally, sons were considered advantageous for two economic reasons, namely: support for their parents in old age and the provision of labour for the farm or family business. They argued further that the former is still an important consideration in most societies, despite the recent introduction of some forms of social security. So much has been written about social change that it is really not of much use for us to start a process of seeking definitions. At the level of the daily lives of ordinary citizens, it is even doubtful whether our people are really interested, one way or the other, in what intellectual ideas may really be. It is the manifestations of their collective cynicism towards this concept that one feels ought to worry us, unless we are able to capture the reasons for this drift, we run the risk of merely speaking to ourselves. The concept of social change may mean different things to different people, depending on the available indicators in any given social milieu. Many sociologists view social change in the structure of society or alteration of the social structure (Morris Ginsberg, 1958:205). Others stress that social change is not only a change in the structure, but also in the functioning of society. According to Allen, (1971:39) social change comprises modifications in social systems or subsystems in structure, functioning, or process over some period of time. It should be mentioned at this juncture that quiet a number of scholars have adopted a number of different definitions/approaches to the study of social change at various levels. (For more details see Amitai (1964), Appelbaum (1970), DeVries, (1961), Peter, (1966), Moore & Ogburn, (1922), etc. ) In spite of the cynical attitudes of the people about the concept of social change, effort is made to give a working definition of social change within the context of this paper. Social change within the context of this paper can be defined as he transformation of culture and social institutions over time. It should be mentioned at this juncture that our society has experienced social change over the past two or more centuries. Nigeria, like any other country of the world, has changed particularly, in the area of agriculture, urbanization, industrialization, family/personal relationships. Social change has influenced nearly every aspect of our life. Although, we should also mention here that people are not equally affected by these changes. This is because social change affects different people in different ways, depending on sex, age, work experience, location, class, size of cohort, economic resources (individual, familial and national), norms inherited from the past, individual’s live experiences and personality. All these are important variables, which determine how individuals are advantaged or disadvantaged by their position. Reasons for having children In many Third World countries or societies, having a large family is an eminently rational strategy of survival. Children’s labour particularly that of sons is a vital part of the family economy in many peasant communities of Africa in general, and in Nigeria in particular. Children help on the fields, tend animals, fetch water and wood, and care for their younger brothers and sisters freeing their parents for other tasks. Quite early in life, children’s labour makes them an asset rather than a liability on family income (Betsy Hartman, 1998) . In urban settings, children often earn income as servants, messengers, etc, or else stay at home to care for younger children while their parents’ work. Among the Yoruba community in Nigeria, demographer John Caldwell (1982) found that even urban professional families benefit from many children through ‘sibling assistance chains’. As one child completes education and takes a job, he or she helps younger brothers and sisters move up the educational and employment ladder, thus the connections and the influence of the family spread. Another reason for having many children, according to Cain (1983) is security. According to him, in many Third World societies, the vast majority of the population has no access to insurance schemes, pension plans, or government social security. For instance, in Nigeria, little or nothing is known, said or done about social security, i. e. about how to guarantee the individual against want, poverty, destitution, disease and idleness which may be thrust upon him by the varied hazards and vicissitudes of social life: notably loss or suspension of income or means of sustenance, resulting from sickness, maternity, injury, invalidity, old age, death of a breadwinner or unemployment. According to Nwabueze (1989) there is no clear statement of policy regarding social security and little is spent on it by the state, except in the capacity of the employer. This neglect manifests itself in the hordes of the elderly people engaged in public alms solicitation in our urban cities in the country at large, and most especially in southwestern Nigeria. One of the reasons adduced for the policy neglect is that, children are expected to care for their parents in their old age. Without them, one’s future is endangered. The help of grown up children, particularly male children, can then be crucial in surviving the periodic crisis-illness, drought, floods, food shortages, land disputes, political upheavals, which, unfortunately, punctuate village life in most parts of the world. Folbre (1983) further maintained that, in most developing countries of the world in general, and in Nigeria in particular, son preference can be another important motive for having larger families. The subordination of women means that, economically and socially daughters are less or not valued as highly as sons in many cultures, particularly among the Yoruba of the southwest Nigeria, most especially in the traditional era. Not only does daughters’ domestic work have less prestige, but daughters typically provide fewer years of productive labour to their parents, and leave home to live with their husbands and in-laws shortly after puberty. Son’s preference, combined with high infant and child mortality rates, means that parents must have many children just to ensure that one or two sons survive so as to serve as old-age security, most especially in the face of economic uncertainty. As a corollary to the above point, Lappe et al (1979) maintained that in the 1960s, an Indian couple had to bear an average of 6. 3 children to be confident of having one son who would survive to adulthood. Male dominance in the family, patriarchal social mores, the systematic exclusion of women from the development process, and the absence of decent birth control services combine to force many women into having more children than they want. Put differently, the social environment, in effect, leaves them (women) little or no reproductive choice. Thus, there is tendency among them, to have more children in order to guarantee the future of the lineage. Sex Preferences and Worldwide Patterns Parental preference for sons over daughters is a common phenomenon in many parts of the world. Son preference has been well documented in a large number of countries, including Nigeria. But the degree of such preference varies substantially from one country to another, depending on such factors as the level of economic development, social norms, level of education, cultural and religious practices, marriage and family systems, degree of urbanization, and the nature of social security systems available. The preference for sons tend to be particularly pronounced in developing countries, in rural areas, and among more traditional couples and couples of lower socio-economic status. Although son preference is still common even in many economically developed countries (Bennett, 1983), this preference often exists side by side with parents’ desire to have, at least, one child of each sex. The World Fertility Survey (WFS) found that son preference was moderately strong in Lesotho and the Sudan, and very strong in Jordan and Syria. In Asia, son preference was found to be weak among women from Indonesia (except for the first child). The survey also found a moderate degree of son preference in Malaysia, Thailand, and SriLanka, and son preference was extremely strong in Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, and South Korea. The WFS result for Asia generally agrees quite closely with the findings of Williamson (1976), who reviewed the literature on sex preferences throughout the world in the mid 1970s (Arnold and Liu; 1986). Further, son preference has been found to be prevalent in all East Asia and among groups outside of that region that share a heritage of Confucian patriarchal tradition. According to Arnold and Kuo (1984:301), son preference in South Korea and Taiwan is both pervasive and extreme. This finding has been confirmed by a number of other studies (see Williamson, 1976; Coombs and Sun, 1981; Cho, Arnold and Kwon, 1982; Chung, Cha, and Lee, 1974). In spite of the foregoing, it should be mentioned that in some countries, couples exhibit little or no son preference, and there are even a few instances in which a preference for daughters has been documented. For example, WFS found that considerably more women wanted a daughter for their next child than a son in Jamaica and Venezuela (Cleland, Verrall, and Vaessen, 1983). The WFS also found little or no sex preference of any type in most South America countries, in parts of the Caribbean and in Kenya and so on, to mention but a few (Arnold and Liu, 1986). Sex Preference among the Yoruba Concern among the Yoruba of Southwest Nigeria about son preference, as an old age security is a long-standing one. Mao Zedong vividly depicted this problem in a talk with Edgar Snow in 1970. â€Å"In the country side, a woman still wants a boy child. If the first and second babies are girls, she will make another try. If the third one comes and is still a girl, the mother would try again. Pretty soon, there are nine of them, Then, the mother is already over 45 or so and she finally decides to leave it at that† (cited in Katagiri and Terao, 1972:2). A variety of historical, moral, ethical, and economic factors underlie son preference among the Yoruba of Southwest Nigeria. In the past, the male patriarch dominated the family in Nigeria, and the practice of ancestor worship gradually developed. Hence, the patriarchal family structure and the resulting strong preference for sons became institutionalized values among the Yoruba. These traditions also stress the importance of carrying on the family line through male progeny. Traditionally, apart from social prestige and the felt need to continue the family line, the existence of sons among the Yoruba is considered advantageous for two economic reasons. These are, support for their parents in old age and the provision of labour for the farm or family business. The former is still an important consideration in Nigeria in general, and among the Yoruba of Southwest in particular, despite the recent introduction of some forms of social security in Nigeria. Other reasons for sex preference among the Yoruba include son’s financial contribution to the family income; emotional support and the need for sons to meet religious obligations, and so on. Finally, the productive utility of sons is still an important factor underlying son preference among the Yoruba, where traditional notions about the appropriate division of labour by sex are still prevalent. Child Sex Preference, Old Age Security and the Welfare of the Elderly. Income in later life may come from a variety of sources, including earnings, family members, the children, the state or charity. The balance of these sources has shifted over time as a result of social change, modernization, urbanization, westernization, education of women, more women in formal sector of the economy, coupled with the cracks in the extended family tie and introduction of pension systems by government. In particular, older people’s economic reliance on their children or older people’s reliance on their children as old-age security has declined, allowing them the dignity of financial independence of kin. The twenty-first century has seen a dramatic shift in the sources of income of older people in both industrialized and non-industrialized countries of the world, but the changes differ profoundly according to gender. For men, the change has been from mainly earnings to mainly pensions, while for women, the change has mainly been from reliance on family members (particularly the children), to income from private business and the support from the spouse. Heavy reliance on private support and support from spouses have not guaranteed or ensured women’s economic security in later life and this has further led to gender inequality of income among older people (Ginn, 2001). Having said the foregoing, it is germane to mention that the old-age security and child sex (gender) preference are two highly controversial hypotheses regarding the influence of household fertility and welfare in less-developed and developing countries of the world such as Nigeria. The old-age security hypothesis postulates that in environments where parents face uncertainty about the ability to support themselves during old age, they would expect such support from their children (Raut, 1996:81-104). This motive could be strong particularly in rural areas of less-developed or developing countries such as Nigeria, particularly among rural dwellers of the Yoruba of Southwest Nigeria where available resources both financial and physical (materials) tend to yield low or negative interest. Therefore, these are not able to provide for parents’ needed welfare at old age, so that children may provide a more efficient hedge against old age disability risks (Raut, 1985; 1990; 1992; Nerlove and Raut, 1995; Cain, 1981; 1983; Nerlove, Razin, and Sadka, 1987 and Nugent, 1985). The gender preference hypothesis postulates that parents exhibit preference for having children of a particular sex. In most developing or less-developed societies, parents seem to have preference for sons rather than daughters. The preference for sons may be rooted purely in taste and cultural values or it could be the outcome of some economic calculations. For instance, sons generally stay with their parents, while daughters are married off to another household or family, so that sons tend to provide better support in old-age as well as augment current household income. The extent to which the preference for sons occurs as an economic response to underdeveloped capital markets and incomplete risk markets has been a long-standing issue in economic demography literature. Ben Porath and Welch (1976); Heer (1983); and Leung (1988) have examined the consequences of this motive for population growth, and sex ratio. Also, the consequences of child sex preference (sons preference) on the allocation of human capital and bequest among children have been discussed by Behrman, Pollak and Taubman, (1982). Generally, children are expected to provide long term net benefit streams by supplying labour for family enterprises, generating monetary income stream, providing for old-age security, and acting as a form of insurance. In a setting of risk and uncertainty, parents engage in strategies to influence the pattern and guarantee the reliability of long-term intergenerational benefit flows. Such self-interested strategies to promote parental well-being at old age include conditional inheritance benefits, practices controlling the mobility of children, and sex differentiated educational and nutritional investments. According to Fapounda et al (1988), West African parents invest more in the education of male children since the financial returns on their education are relatively high. On the other hand, parents are more oriented towards the receipt of a one-time financial payment, a bride price, from the marriage of their daughters than to an economically uncertain investment in their daughters’ schooling (Fapounda et al 1988). Caldwell further maintained that, in rural Nigeria, for example, one of the reasons for sons preference is that, male children (boys) produce more than they consume by the age of ten to thirteen; and by the age of fifteen their total production has exceeded their cumulative life-time consumption. Although, female children (girls) likewise perform a number of valuable economic tasks, which include helping their mothers with cooking and the post-harvest processing of crops etc. , this is insignificant when compared to the contributions of their male counterparts to the family economy (Caldwell, 1982). Today, the expected increase in the absolute number and proportion of the elderly raises serious concerns about their welfare in the country, particularly given the absence of social security scheme and formal social welfare services for the old in most African countries. A number of studies have therefore, focused on examining the extent to which the family is involved in providing assistance to the elderly (Peil, 1995; Apt and Katila, 1994; and Togonu-Bickersteth, 1989, 1997). All confirm that the families, particularly children, are the principal source of old-age support in the various African countries studied. It has also been found that assistance is usually offered by children to ensure some level of physical and economic survival for their elderly to the extent that the former can afford. By contrast, parents in industrialized countries and their affluent counterparts among Third World urban elite have much less need to rely on children either for labour or old-age security. The economics of family size changes as income goes up, until children become a financial burden instead of an asset (Folbre, 1983). According to him, when children are in school, for example, they no longer serve as a source of labour. Instead parents must pay for their education, as well as for their other needs, which cost far more in a high consumption society than in a peasant village. And there is often no guarantee that parents’ investment will buy the future loyalty of a grown up child. As economist Nancy Folbre (1983) noted, â€Å"The gift of education, unlike a bequest, cannot be made contingent upon conformity to certain expectations. Once given, it can hardly be revoked†. In industrialized societies personal savings, pension plans, and overnment programs replace children as the basic forms of social security. These social changes fundamentally alter the value of children, making it far more rational from an economic standpoint, to limit family size. Folbre (1983) also argued that as the value of children decreases, male heads of households are more willing to allow their wives to work outside the home, since the contribution of their wages to the family economy now exceeds the value of their household work. This further spurs low demand for children and less craze sex preference of a particular child.

Personality Theory Victor Frankl vs Carl Rogers Essay

PERSONALITY THEORY Ââ€" CARL ROGERS AND VICTOR FRANKL Why is it that man lives up to a certain point not knowing what the meaning of life is. Not knowing what path to follow, not knowing if the energy and courage to discover the truths of ones own existence in this world exist. Some persons will drive past a street child on Cape Town roads and look sideways in horror, quickly lock a car door with an unapparent elbow; warm, safe, and comfortable in the interior of a brand new sports model car. Others will look away and ignore the feelings of pity, or even perhaps swear or curse this annoyance. But why is it that some will open the window, offer a smile, and return home to sit quietly and try to find a means to correct this sadness. Be it†¦show more content†¦The presenting mood, interests, self esteem and vaue system are important indicators of the personality (Baumann, 1998, p.55). DETERMINANTS: SOCIOCULTURAL DETERMINANTS: Mans personality can be viewed as a combination of the many roles that he plays. Culture, to a large extent, determines what one considers appropriate actions. If one deviates from that appropriate range, social pressures will confront you in some form. The socioeconomic level of ones family, family size, birth order, ethnic identification, religion, and the education of self and ones family are other examples of sociocultural truths that affect ones personality (quoted in Hergenhahn and Olson, 1999). After all, one simply does not have the same experiences in different homes. This affects ones personality to a limited extent since one will still strive to discover that same life purpose, yet perhaps in a slightly different context. For instance, say it was ones ability to sing that one discovered. In a Xhosa, upper-class, South African family one would perhaps grasp and master Hip Hop or Kwaito as a style of performance. Yet, an English, middle-class, It alian person would perhaps perform Opera. So, ones culture does not affect the direction of ones search for life purpose, but rather the context in which it is found. As Carl Rogers (1999) said, the only reality that I can possibly know is the world as I perceive and experience it at the moment. This subjective world we live in, not the physicalShow MoreRelatedStephen P. Robbins Timothy A. Judge (2011) Organizational Behaviour 15th Edition New Jersey: Prentice Hall393164 Words   |  1573 Pages0-13-283487-1 ISBN 13: 978-0-13-283487-2 Brief Contents Preface xxii 1 2 Introduction 1 What Is Organizational Behavior? 3 The Individual 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Diversity in Organizations 39 Attitudes and Job Satisfaction 69 Emotions and Moods 97 Personality and Values 131 Perception and Individual Decision Making 165 Motivation Concepts 201 Motivation: From Concepts to Applications 239 3 The Group 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Foundations of Group Behavior 271 Understanding Work Teams 307 CommunicationRead MoreDeveloping Management Skills404131 Words   |  1617 PagesCore Self-Evaluation Scale 103 Scoring Key 103 Comparison Data 103 2 MANAGING PERSONAL STRESS 105 SKILL ASSESSMENT 106 Diagnostic Surveys for Managing Stress 106 Stress Management Assessment 106 Time Management Assessment 107 Type A Personality Inventory 108 Social Readjustment Rating Scale 109 Sources of Personal Stress 111 SKILL LEARNING 112 Improving the Management of Stress and Time 112 The Role of Management 113 Major Elements of Stress 113 Reactions to Stress 114 Coping with Stress